The state's approach to systemic torture and ill-treatment is aimed at normalizing such practices and creating favorable conditions for their continuation, according to a statement by the Georgian Young Lawyers’ Association (GYLA).

GYLA states that the disturbing footage circulated in the media is yet another example of systemic and systematic police violence, which has become a defining characteristic of the authoritarian regime over the years.

Specifically, GYLA is responding to a report aired on June 13, 2026, in the TV Pirveli program Nodar Meladze’s Saturday, which allegedly shows “group torture and degrading or inhuman treatment” carried out in a police administrative building in order to extract information from detained citizens.

“According to the report, police officers themselves recorded these acts of brutality and shared the footage in internal chats. It also indicates that, in addition to the footage already made public, there are other recordings showing violence committed by police officers.

The disturbing footage that has emerged is yet another illustration of systemic and systematic police violence, which has become a hallmark of the authoritarian regime over the years. Within such a system, the recording of violent and degrading acts has evolved into a clear pattern of behavior and, in many cases, has become an integral element of the violence itself. This practice was likely intended to intimidate and blackmail individuals subjected to various forms of violence and degrading treatment. At the same time, it suggests that abusive police officers may feel protected by guarantees of impunity from within the system.

As is well known to the public, incidents of police violence, torture, and inhuman treatment against peaceful protesters during 2024–2025 were systematic and widespread. This is confirmed both by joint documentation efforts of civil society organizations and by reports from the Public Defender of Georgia and international monitoring mechanisms, including the report of the CPT.

According to the Public Defender’s report published in 2025, during the unlawful dispersal of peaceful demonstrations from November 28 through the night of December 3–4, 2024, as well as during the night of December 6–7, and on February 2, 2025, nearly all detainees were allegedly subjected to torture, inhuman, and degrading treatment by members of the Special Tasks Department. The report states that of the 343 individuals visited by representatives of the Public Defender’s Office during that period, 242 (70.5%) were alleged victims of ill-treatment. Violence was also systemic against participants in the protests held in the spring of 2024.

The CPT report likewise highlights the large volume of information received regarding police violence during November and December 2024. According to the Committee, individuals interviewed separately—and therefore without the possibility of coordinating their testimonies—described clear and consistent patterns of police conduct. The Committee also emphasized that the information it received was fully consistent with the injuries it directly observed, as well as with injuries documented by doctors working in temporary detention facilities.

GYLA further notes that the state's response to systemic torture and ill-treatment has been directed toward normalizing such practices and creating favorable conditions for their continuation.”

Police violence continued in 2025 as well. According to the Public Defender’s report published in 2026, “Between March 1, 2025, and February 20, 2026, representatives of the Public Defender visited 131 individuals detained during ongoing protest actions in temporary detention facilities and penitentiary institutions. Of these, 35 individuals (26.7%) reported alleged ill-treatment by police officers, while 17 detainees had visible injuries.” The decline in the number of such cases compared to 2024 is linked to the reduced scale of the protests themselves, rather than to any systemic or structural changes.

During court monitoring conducted in 2025 and 2026, GYLA also identified 17 individuals detained in connection with protests who, at various times, alleged that they had been subjected to ill-treatment.

In addition, recently released footage showing group violence by police officers against two individuals in Gori once again reminded the public that police violence is not exclusively linked to the exercise of freedom of expression or freedom of assembly.

The above-mentioned television report also revealed that pretrial detention was replaced with bail for a police officer accused of threatening to rape a minor’s father. Although other police officers were reportedly present and aware of the incident, the Prosecutor’s Office brought charges against only one person for abuse of official authority. The report further stated that the change of preventive measure was based on a notarized consent from the victim, although it remains unclear what led the victim to provide such consent. This is particularly concerning given that the victim’s representative had previously stated that certain individuals approached the victim in an attempt to have the complaint against the accused withdrawn through unclear legal procedures. GYLA’s monitoring reports on criminal proceedings have repeatedly shown that, in most cases, reviews of preventive measures are largely formal in nature and that detention is rarely altered.

Despite the scale of the violence, the state has done little beyond symbolic justice measures to address police violence at a systemic and structural level.

According to GYLA, the problem of impunity for and encouragement of police violence in Georgia includes the following issues:

Impunity of perpetrators and their superiors — To date, only five individuals have been charged in connection with the large-scale police violence of 2024. No senior officials responsible for planning and supervising police operations have been held accountable.Improper legal qualification of crimes — Regardless of their severity, incidents of police violence are generally classified under Article 333 (abuse of official authority), even when their actual nature corresponds to Articles 144¹ and 144³ (torture and degrading or inhuman treatment). Investigations into the systematic torture allegations of 2024 are also being conducted under Article 333. The Council of Europe’s Committee of Ministers has been raising concerns about this practice for years in the context of the execution of judgments in the Tsintsabadze group of cases.Lack of institutional independence in investigations — Investigations into police violence continue to face serious challenges regarding impartiality and independence. The Special Investigation Service, which had been established as an independent body for this purpose, was abolished last year by Georgian Dream despite criticism from the Council of Europe’s Committee of Ministers. Although the agency itself faced significant independence concerns while it existed, its abolition further underscores the state’s disregard for its obligations arising from judgments of the European Court of Human Rights.Absence of preventive measures — For years, the Committee of Ministers has urged Georgia to introduce safeguards against police violence, including legal requirements for audio and video recording of police interactions with citizens and the use of visible identification badges by police officers. By ignoring these obligations, the state creates fertile ground for impunity and encourages further abuse.

It is evident that the state’s efforts are not directed toward preventing or punishing police violence. While the recommendations of the Committee of Ministers stemming from European Court of Human Rights judgments have been ignored for years, the state has actively focused on adopting legislation that restricts rights. For example, between April 3, 2024, and February 20, 2026, the legislature introduced and fast-tracked 304 laws which, instead of strengthening safeguards against police violence, introducing mandatory body cameras, or clearly regulating the use of special means, served to restrict civil and political rights and consolidate authoritarian power.

Following the release of a preview of the television report on June 12, 2026, the Ministry of Internal Affairs issued a statement saying:

“The case concerns three employees of the Imereti Police Department who were on assignment in Kobuleti, Adjara, in the summer of 2022 and who committed the offense shown in the footage.

The crime was uncovered in February of this year by the General Inspection of the Ministry of Internal Affairs. Based on materials forwarded from the inspection, an investigation was launched, and on February 23, 2026, all three police officers were arrested and charged by the Prosecutor’s Office of Georgia.”

In the same statement, the Ministry accused media representatives of conducting a targeted campaign to discredit the institution, despite the fact that numerous reports of alleged crimes committed by police officers have surfaced in recent months. In response to these incidents, law enforcement agencies have not provided the public with transparent and comprehensive information regarding measures to prevent abuse within police ranks or the adequacy of their responses.

According to GYLA, the Ministry’s statement does not alter the systemic nature of police violence in Georgia or the broader context of this case. Against the backdrop of the structural problems outlined above, several important questions remain unanswered:

Why did it take more than three years to identify and prosecute the perpetrators?Why does the Prosecutor’s Office not see evidence of torture or degrading and inhuman treatment in this case?According to the report, the officers shared videos of the abuse in group chats. Why have only three officers been prosecuted, and why has no action been taken against other members of those chats?Did investigators examine the potential responsibility of supervisory officials? Why have no superiors been held accountable, and were they aware of the abuse or the existence of the group chats?What assistance was provided to the victims? Were statements obtained through such treatment later used against them?

In GYLA’s assessment, the state’s approach to cases of systemic torture and ill-treatment is aimed at normalizing such practices and creating favorable conditions for their continuation.

“Under these circumstances, the initiation of criminal proceedings against individual police officers can only be viewed as a symbolic measure,” GYLA states.