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Acreeping annexation of Georgian territories is still underway. The process has already been assessed as a provocation; however the question now is how adequately the process is being monitored and analyzed.

Unfortunately, official Tbilisi has not been able to adequately demonstrate the immensity of pressure from Moscow since it gained independence.

Infringement on the Georgian state border started on the day Georgia gained independence. Significant sections of the state border were forcefully “redrawn” as a result of the occupation of the Tskhinvali and Abkhazeti regions. Russia tailored the role of a mediator and dislocated its military units under the status of “peacemakers” on the territories of both regions.

Kodori Gorge (a strategic focal point) created problems for Russian policy in Abkhazeti, while the Georgian speaking villages of Didi Liakhvi Gorge (Tamarasheni, Kurta, Kekhvi, etc.) were considered equally problematic in Tskhinvali region. There were repeated attempts of seizing Kodori Gorge, among them in April 2002 when a large airborne desant was dropped in Azhara village (about 14 helicopters, including combat and cargo ones; one hundred troops). Attacks on the villages of Didi Liakhvi were interminable (after the 2008 “intervention”, the villages ceased to exist).

Starting from 1993, the situation on the land border with Russia was constantly escalating.

The border between Georgia and Russia amounts to 894 km, 100 of which are disputable. A Special Standings Commissions was formed with the task of studying legal and other aspects on specific sections of the border.

A former high official of the Border Department, retired Colonel Gela Khutsishvili recalls that in 1993-1994 Russia willfully seized a section of Larsi, while in 1997 – it seized all three tunnels. During the same period of time, Russia seized Eshmaki (Evil’s) Bridge – a roundabout way.

As far back as the second part of the 1990s, Pichvebi, a traditional Georgian territory near Mutso Range, and Atsekhi village were disputed. Based on the 1999 Agreement, the territory remained under Russian control; however, later the Georgian party presented documents from 1920 proving that it was Georgian territory. Anatori Castle, the oldest sacred place of the population of Khevsureti (mountainous region of Georgia), pasture and mowing lands, totaling a total 10 square kilometers, remained under Russia. Russian border troops appeared on the territory at the mouth of the Andaki and Arguni rivers.

The situation is similar near Daklo Mountain, where Russians also advanced on Georgian territory.

If you look at the map closely, and especially at the altered borders after the 2008 intervention, it becomes obvious that Russia is forming a layer of defense.

Russian troops control 25 out of the 43 passes of the Caucasus.

Border defense experts are now talking about new challenges. The section of Beshta-Akhalsopeli poses a particular threat since Russia is willing to connect it with the Avareti-Kakheti highway and expand it up to Guimri (Armenia). This is of strategic importance for Russia. It should also be noted that the process has been in the making for many years and has not started recently. Colonel Khutsishvili recalls that as far back as 1997, Viktor Chernomidin accosted Georgia twice and requested to place checkpoints there (Russia was going to fully fund the construction of the facilities, but Georgia wouldn’t agree). A little later, Russia asked Georgia again to let Russian troops move through the territory to attack Chechnya from the South; Official Tbilisi once again, refused.

Russia is working and making planned, calculated advances, trying to establish a land route with its military base located in Guimri, Armenia. In order to do so, it needs several roads, not a single one. One will be the road from the Tskhinvali region that has obviously been occupied, and the other – Avareti (Dagestan)-Kakheti (Akhalsopeli) road. In case the two roads are put into operation, Tbilisi, the capital of Georgia will find itself besieged.

So what’s the next step? Presently, there is no road link between the military bases in Tskhinvali and Abkhazeti regions. However, if they have the third point – which may well be Akhalsopeli village (Kvareli), that is along the line with both Tskhinvali and Abkhazia bases – Russia will construct a road and, consequently, will occupy the rest of the regions (Mta-Tusheti, Omalo, Khevsureti, Asa, Kazbegi, Truso, Racha, and Svaneti).

Photos by Davit Mdzinarishvili

Author: Giorgi Tskhvitava