"Not 'schedule new elections for us,' but we should demand 'the government must resign.' The field must be cleared, and elections should be held in an environment with a new CEC and a new security service composed of trusted individuals from society," said Petre Tsiskarishvili, General Secretary of the "United National Movement," in an interview with Palitra News' program "Newsroom."
Tsiskarishvili also addressed the ruling party's plan to establish a parliamentary investigative commission to examine the governance of the "United National Movement."
"Whether 'Georgian Dream' will proceed with this or not remains to be seen—if they do, let them go ahead. On the contrary, it will provide more political publicity and further highlight our cause. It will clearly show who has been fighting this regime for the past 12 years and make it evident who their main opposition is. If they take on this matter, as they have threatened, it will only serve to reinforce our position.
The claim by 'Georgian Dream' that without them, the 'National Movement' would return to power is a part of their political propaganda aimed at a small segment of their supporters—those involved in corrupt dealings with them. Perhaps 15-20% of their base responds to this message, but the broader public does not. If the 'National Movement' is such a 'boogeyman' and such a threat, and if scaring people with it is so beneficial to them, why haven’t they released former President Mikheil Saakashvili before elections to supposedly frighten even more people? The reason is obvious—because they know that in free conditions, Saakashvili would lead them to a severe electoral defeat. This entire narrative is fabricated, but it works to some extent on their hardcore supporters.
Speaking about the ongoing protests and Mikheil Saakashvili’s stance, Tsiskarishvili stated that Saakashvili believes everything would have been resolved peacefully if he were free.
'Things are progressing well and logically. In fact, I am amazed that after more than two months, these protests and demonstrations still maintain momentum. Every day, streets are blocked, and thousands stand on Rustaveli Avenue. The government tries to downplay this, claiming only 500 people are involved or that they are paid, but in reality, they know full well that this movement exists. Even those who previously believed that Bidzina Ivanishvili was leading Georgia towards Europe with dignity and prosperity are now disillusioned.
Many within Ivanishvili’s system are now questioning their loyalty. Our task today should be to extract these individuals from his grip. I firmly believe that in achieving this, Saakashvili has no equal. He would be the most effective and quickest in breaking Ivanishvili’s power structure. Even if not everyone switches sides, his role in isolating Ivanishvili and his inner circle would be enormous. As Saakashvili himself said, ‘I would leave the king alone and exposed’—meaning Ivanishvili.
Perhaps some of our fellow opposition members won’t publicly admit this, but deep down, they know that Saakashvili's role in bringing down Ivanishvili would be invaluable.
Of course, even without Saakashvili, this struggle must be seen through to the end—we must dismantle the ruling vertical and isolate Ivanishvili. But what is the next step? Instead of calling for 'new elections,' we should be demanding 'the government must resign.' The administration and the security services must be freed from Ivanishvili’s influence. Only in such conditions can elections be held meaningfully. Otherwise, holding elections under his regime is pointless. The sequence should be clear: first, the government must be replaced, and then elections can be conducted," said Petre Tsiskarishvili.