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Waiting for the paint to dry - The art of redrawing borders

Waiting for the paint to dry - The art of redrawing borders
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“If only half as many people gathered near these villages as there were people standing in queues for Super Cup tickets, this would not have happened!” This and similar cries of indignation were heard on Georgian media and social networks, as Russia yet again engaged in its favourite pastime: redrawing of borders. Yet these allegations (about the Super Cup queues) are simply iniquitous. Many of those who wanted to attend the game put their lives at risk in 2008 and without doubt, many more would do the same should it again come to that. The saddest part of all was that in reality, this belligerent misdirected anger on social media was all Georgian society was reduced to: words of anguish and hopelesness.

But first things first: This time the villages of Orchosani and Tsitelubani had to endure the whims of Kremlin cartographers: two signs, one 300 metres and another 1 km south of the previous “border” markers, were placed by Russian troops. And this time it weren’t just farmers that had to suffer from the “creeping occupation,” as it has become known. A portion of the strategically vital Baku-Supsa pipeline, operated by British Petroleum Georgia, also ended up on the wrong side of the Russian fence.

The new “border” near Tsitelosani also marked an alarming new milestone. The distance between the sign and Georgia’s main East-West highway that connects the capital with Black Sea port and further--to Turkey--is now frighteningly short: 450 meters. Thus Georgia’s position as a viable transit hub between Asia and Europe is endangered.

“The main plot of this Russian ‘borderisation business’ is to cut and incapacitate the highway between Eastern and Western Georgia,” Eugene Kogan, an Energy Security expert specializing in the South Caucasus told Georgian Journal. “That is their primary strategic aim. One more such step and it will seriously destabilize the country, as the highway is the strategic artery that keeps the country’s heart beating.”

Speaking of strategic importance, with its annual capacity of 8.5 m³ (upgradeable) of oil transported from Azerbaijan to Georgia’s Supsa Terminal at the Black Sea, the 833 km long Baku Supsa pipeline is the second most important oil/gas transit route after the BTC pipeline. The issue has long been a thorn in Kremlin’s side. Prior to the 2008 war, Russia tried to blow up the BTC (see some excellent reporting from Bloomberg about this), and it was precisely the Baku Supsa pipeline that BP used to reroute Azeri oil deliveries.

The pipeline is state property, but is operated by British Petroleum. Georgian Energy Minister, Kakha Kaladze, emphasized that it may come down finding alternative route for the “seized segment” if British Petroleum has problems accessing the pipeline.

As British Petroleum spokesperson Tamta Chantladze told Georgian Journal, this section of the pipeline has been in the territory of the Akhalgori occupied zone, but they’ve encountered no problems with operations so far. “However,” Chantladze said, “It is important to emphasize that it is not part of our portfolio to oversee security issues related to the pipeline. That is the government’s task. We are responsible for safety, not security.” Chantladze also confirmed the minister’s words, that there are plans for an alternative project regarding changing the route, effectively getting it out of Akhalgori section, but no concrete dates and locations are yet determined.

Denying BP access to the pipeline is not in Kremlin’s interests, Kogan believes:

“So far nothing substantial has been damaged. There might also be a tacit understanding between Moscow and BP regarding security issues pertaining to the pipeline. Both sides are likely to deny that fact, to say the least. Yet keeping BP, a crucial partner, content with pipeline operations was and still is important for Russia.” And indeed, the so-called South Ossetian government already stated their indignation over the possible route change, inviting all sides, including Tbilisi, to discuss the issue “as equals.”

Tbilisi has few options. Unwilling to sway from the path of “Normalization of relations” with Russia, one of its elections promises, a method that has become typical of late, it simultaneously tried to downplay the issue and promised to put it on the agenda of the international community at the highest level. None of this is going to help, though. Simply saying, “This is nothing new,” is not going to change the fact Russia becomes more and more firmly entrenched in Georgian territory. Furthermore, the international community is preoccupied with Greece and Iran. In fact, European Council president Donald Tusk postponed his visit to Georgia (to be fair, the decision was announced before the Russian incident) due to the recent crisis in Greece. Georgia has been protesting Russian occupation for years now, but to no avail.

Alternatively, Tbilisi’s two mechanisms for dialogue with Moscow--the Swiss-initiated Geneva Talks and bilateral meetings between Special Envoy to Russia Zurab Abashidze and Deputy Russian FM Grigory Karasin--seem equally unable to produce a solution acceptable for both sides. Moreover, after the two met in Prague, where Abashidze protested Russia’s actions as “unacceptable” and “dangerous,” Karasin, in a typical Kremlin move, blamed all the clamor on “provocative forces that are undermining the normalization of relations between two countries” and insisted that the banners had not been moved altogether, merely reinstated in the place they were before the abovementioned “provocative forces" got rid of them.” He even went so far as to propose examining maps and restoring justice. One does just hope the deputy FM is not speaking about the maps drawn in times of Tsarist Russia -- though based on their actions, one might certainly get such an impression.

Speaking of “getting rid” of banners, that’s exactly what a group of journalists protesting the occupation did after the news of further borderization came out. Their action was met with mixed emotions. Although their sentiment was shared by many, Minister of Reconciliation Paata Zakareishvili chided the protesters, reprimanding them for further provoking the situation and calling for a more civil approach.

Considering how consistent Russians are in pursuing their “borderisation business,” one can only hope we wont be forgetting our manners when even more of us wake up on the wrong side of the fence, just like a farmer from Khurvaleti village, Davit Vanishvili did. Also, don’t count on the West waking up at the same time we do.

Authors: Will Cathcart, Vazha Tavberidze

Waiting for the paint to dry - The art of redrawing borders

“If only half as many people gathered near these villages as there were people standing in queues for Super Cup tickets, this would not have happened!” This and similar cries of indignation were heard on Georgian media and social networks, as Russia yet again engaged in its favourite pastime: redrawing of borders. Yet these allegations (about the Super Cup queues) are simply iniquitous. Many of those who wanted to attend the game put their lives at risk in 2008 and without doubt, many more would do the same should it again come to that. The saddest part of all was that in reality, this belligerent misdirected anger on social media was all Georgian society was reduced to: words of anguish and hopelesness.

But first things first: This time the villages of Orchosani and Tsitelubani had to endure the whims of Kremlin cartographers: two signs, one 300 metres and another 1 km south of the previous “border” markers, were placed by Russian troops. And this time it weren’t just farmers that had to suffer from the “creeping occupation,” as it has become known. A portion of the strategically vital Baku-Supsa pipeline, operated by British Petroleum Georgia, also ended up on the wrong side of the Russian fence.

The new “border” near Tsitelosani also marked an alarming new milestone. The distance between the sign and Georgia’s main East-West highway that connects the capital with Black Sea port and further--to Turkey--is now frighteningly short: 450 meters. Thus Georgia’s position as a viable transit hub between Asia and Europe is endangered.

“The main plot of this Russian ‘borderisation business’ is to cut and incapacitate the highway between Eastern and Western Georgia,” Eugene Kogan, an Energy Security expert specializing in the South Caucasus told Georgian Journal. “That is their primary strategic aim. One more such step and it will seriously destabilize the country, as the highway is the strategic artery that keeps the country’s heart beating.”

Speaking of strategic importance, with its annual capacity of 8.5 m³ (upgradeable) of oil transported from Azerbaijan to Georgia’s Supsa Terminal at the Black Sea, the 833 km long Baku Supsa pipeline is the second most important oil/gas transit route after the BTC pipeline. The issue has long been a thorn in Kremlin’s side. Prior to the 2008 war, Russia tried to blow up the BTC (see some excellent reporting from Bloomberg about this), and it was precisely the Baku Supsa pipeline that BP used to reroute Azeri oil deliveries.

The pipeline is state property, but is operated by British Petroleum. Georgian Energy Minister, Kakha Kaladze, emphasized that it may come down finding alternative route for the “seized segment” if British Petroleum has problems accessing the pipeline.

As British Petroleum spokesperson Tamta Chantladze told Georgian Journal, this section of the pipeline has been in the territory of the Akhalgori occupied zone, but they’ve encountered no problems with operations so far. “However,” Chantladze said, “It is important to emphasize that it is not part of our portfolio to oversee security issues related to the pipeline. That is the government’s task. We are responsible for safety, not security.” Chantladze also confirmed the minister’s words, that there are plans for an alternative project regarding changing the route, effectively getting it out of Akhalgori section, but no concrete dates and locations are yet determined.

Denying BP access to the pipeline is not in Kremlin’s interests, Kogan believes:

“So far nothing substantial has been damaged. There might also be a tacit understanding between Moscow and BP regarding security issues pertaining to the pipeline. Both sides are likely to deny that fact, to say the least. Yet keeping BP, a crucial partner, content with pipeline operations was and still is important for Russia.” And indeed, the so-called South Ossetian government already stated their indignation over the possible route change, inviting all sides, including Tbilisi, to discuss the issue “as equals.”

Tbilisi has few options. Unwilling to sway from the path of “Normalization of relations” with Russia, one of its elections promises, a method that has become typical of late, it simultaneously tried to downplay the issue and promised to put it on the agenda of the international community at the highest level. None of this is going to help, though. Simply saying, “This is nothing new,” is not going to change the fact Russia becomes more and more firmly entrenched in Georgian territory. Furthermore, the international community is preoccupied with Greece and Iran. In fact, European Council president Donald Tusk postponed his visit to Georgia (to be fair, the decision was announced before the Russian incident) due to the recent crisis in Greece. Georgia has been protesting Russian occupation for years now, but to no avail.

Alternatively, Tbilisi’s two mechanisms for dialogue with Moscow--the Swiss-initiated Geneva Talks and bilateral meetings between Special Envoy to Russia Zurab Abashidze and Deputy Russian FM Grigory Karasin--seem equally unable to produce a solution acceptable for both sides. Moreover, after the two met in Prague, where Abashidze protested Russia’s actions as “unacceptable” and “dangerous,” Karasin, in a typical Kremlin move, blamed all the clamor on “provocative forces that are undermining the normalization of relations between two countries” and insisted that the banners had not been moved altogether, merely reinstated in the place they were before the abovementioned “provocative forces" got rid of them.” He even went so far as to propose examining maps and restoring justice. One does just hope the deputy FM is not speaking about the maps drawn in times of Tsarist Russia -- though based on their actions, one might certainly get such an impression.

Speaking of “getting rid” of banners, that’s exactly what a group of journalists protesting the occupation did after the news of further borderization came out. Their action was met with mixed emotions. Although their sentiment was shared by many, Minister of Reconciliation Paata Zakareishvili chided the protesters, reprimanding them for further provoking the situation and calling for a more civil approach.

Considering how consistent Russians are in pursuing their “borderisation business,” one can only hope we wont be forgetting our manners when even more of us wake up on the wrong side of the fence, just like a farmer from Khurvaleti village, Davit Vanishvili did. Also, don’t count on the West waking up at the same time we do.

Authors: Will Cathcart, Vazha Tavberidze

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